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The  Spirit  of  Propagandism 
in  the  French  Revolution 

1789-1793 


An  Abstract  of  a  Thesis  present- 
ed to  the  Faculty  of  Philosophy 
of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania 


By 

Arthur  Guy  Terry 


In  Partial  Fulfillment  of  the  Requirements  for 
the   Degree   of  Doctor  of   Philosophy.      1906 


T5 


INTRODUCTION 

I?ropagandism  began  with  the  Revolution  no  more 
than  the  doctrines  which  were  to  be  propagated.  The 
ideas  of  popular  sovereignty,  personal  liberty,  and  equal- 
ity before  the  law  were  familiar  to  Frenchmen  and  had 
been  transmitted  to  various  quarters  of  Europe  before 
the  meeting  of  the  States  General  in  1789.  In  England 
they  had  been  practically  in  effect  for  a  century,  but  the 
forms  of  monarchy  surviving  there  had  obscured  the 
fact  to  all  save  a  few  critical  observers.  The  speculative 
minds  of  the  eighteenth  century  had  been  busy  with 
these  ideas  for  nearly  fifty  years,  and  among  a  certain 
intelligent  class  they  had  received  a  wide  circulation 
and  a  considerable  acceptance  before  the  period  when  our 
study  begins. 

This  fact  explains  whatever  success  the  French  had 
in  disseminating  their  political  faith.  It  explains  the 
appearance  in  each  of  the  neighboring  states,  at  the  out- 
break of  the  Revolution,  of  a  group  of  sympathizers  who 
attempted  to  convert  their  fellow  countrymen  to  the  new 
regime.  The  intellectual  movement  had  begun  which  in 
time  was  to  revolutionize  the  political  and  social  structure 
of  all  the  European  nations,  a  movement  which  in  our 
day  seems  to  be  witnessing  its  final  manifestation  in  the 
great  empire  of  Russia. 

The  real  influence  of  the  French,  then,  after  the  out- 
break of  the  Revolution  of  1789,  lay,  not  in  implanting 
among  their  neighbors  a  new  doctrine,  but  in  forcibly 
attacking  the  ancient  structures  and  in  so  weakening 
them  as  to  give  room  for  the  ideas  already  implanted  to 
find  natural  growth.  The  rude  attempts  of  the  French 
armies  to  enforce  republicanism  upon  surrounding  na- 
tions failed  utterly,  or,  if  in  a  few  cases  they  succeeded, 
it  was  because  the  subjects  were  ready  and  willing  to  be 
enforced.  But  in  most  cases  the  peoples  of  Europe  were 
not  ready.  Time  was  needed  for  the  new  ideas  to  de- 
velop. They  were  already  there. 

444324 


In  the  enthusiasm  of  their  own  successful  Revolution 
the  French  thought  they  could  hasten  the  day  of  regen- 
eration for  their  neighbors.  They  permitted  themselves 
to  believe  that,  instead  of  small  factions,  whole  popula- 
tions in  the  foreign  states  were  thoroughly  imbued  with 
the  spirit  of  revolution  and  anxious  to  shake  off  the 
yoke.  This  view  was  thoroughly  characteristic  of  the 
impractical  and  visionary  minds  of  the  revolutionists 
— that  complete  inability  to  appreciate  the  hold  estab- 
lished custom  has  on  mankind  for  which  Burke  de- 
nounced them  so  persistently.  In  the  prevalence  of  this 
notion  there  appeared  at  an  early  date  in  the  Revolution 
a  tendency  toward  some  active  form  of  propagandism. 
This  tendency  obtained  no  very  distinct  headway  until 
fears  of  European  intervention  began  to  arise.  Then 
France  hurled  back  the  threat  of  the  Propaganda.  The 
Revolution  realized  that  in  this  it  possessed  a  unique 
and  powerful  weapon.  Imagination  readily  suggested 
the  idea  of  all  the  peoples  of  Europe  rising  to  crush  their 
tyrannical  rulers,  and  of  a  world  restored  upon  the  the- 
ory of  Rousseau,  readjusting  its  affairs  to  suit  the  new 
conditions  of  popular  sovereignty,  equality,  universal 
peace  and  brotherhood. 

This  fancy  was  so  pleasing,  the  faith  in  its  fulfillment 
was  so  strong,  that,  doubtless,  it  greatly  encouraged  the 
reckless  spirit  that  plunged  France  and  Europe  into  a 
twenty  years'  war.  When  the  war  broke  out,  the  Propa- 
ganda, or  a  general  insurrection  of  peoples  against  kings, 
was  officially  recognized  by  the  French  government,  and 
was  counted  upon  as  an  important  part  of  the  military 
resources  of  the  Republic. 

The  object  of  this  study  is  to  note  the  emergence  of 
the  propagandist  sentiment,  the  gradual  development  of 
its  influence  over  the  minds  of  the  ruling  men  of  France, 
and  the  subsequent  decline  of  that  influence  after  the 
first  attempt  at  application  of  the  theory  had  signally 
failed. 


For  the  debates  of  the  Constituent  and  Legislative  As- 
semblies I  have  employed  the  Archives  Parlementaires, 
because  the  clear  type  and  simple  arrangement  make  it 
the  most  convenient  work  to  use.  But,  inasmuch  as  the 
Archives  has  been  severely  criticized  as  a  source  by  lead- 
ing scholars,  I  have  used  it  with  great  caution,  compar- 
ing the  passages  with  the  more  authentic  reports  of  the 
Proces-verbal  and  Moniteur,  and  accepting  for  the  most 
part  only  those  speeches  for  which  the  editors  have  seen 
fit  to  cite  the  original  source.  I  have  drawn  heavily  upon 
the  Moniteur,  not  only  for  its  reports  of  debates  in  the 
National  Assembly,  but  for  other  important  material  it 
contains,  notably  the  letters  of  correspondents  abroad  and 
the  published  correspondence  of  generals  in  the  field. 
My  references  to  the  Moniteur  are  to  the  reprint  of  1840. 

Of  the  secondary  authorities  bearing  upon  the  subject 
I  have  found  most  useful  M.  Sorel's  recently  com- 
pleted work  on  the  external  relations  of  the  Revolution, 
U Europe  et  la  Revolution  Frangaise,  and  M.  Chu- 
quet's  exhaustive  treatise  on  the  military  history  of  the 
Revolution.  The  former  speaks  very  suggestively  on  the 
subjective  phases  of  the  propagandist  spirit,  and  the  lat- 
ter vividly  describes  the  work  of  the  armies  and  agents 
of  the  government  in  active  propagandism.  So  far  as 
I  am  aware,  no  separate  study  of  the  Propaganda  has 
yet  been  published.  Several  monographs  have  appeared 
treating  of  the  influence  of  the  French  Revolution  in  par- 
ticular states  of  Europe,  and  upon  these  I  have  drawn 
for  certain  facts. 

An  apology  may  be  necessary  for  the  frequent  and 
extended  quotations  from  sources,  especially  throughout 
the  first  chapter.  The  reason  for  this  lies  in  the  nature 
of  the  subject,  where,  in  tracing  the  growth  of  a  some- 
what intangible  form  of  revolutionary  enthusiasm,  the 
exact  phraseology  in  which  it  finds  expression  must  have 
considerable  significance. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  I. — RISE  OF  THE  PROPAGANDIST  IDEA. 

1.  The  Journals. 

Expression  of  the  propagandist  idea  traced  in  two 
famous  revolutionary  newspapers,  the  "Revolu- 
tions de  Paris"  and  the  "Revolutions  de  France 
et  de  Brabant/'  with  frequent  illustrative  quota- 
tions. 

2.  The  Clubs. 

Expression  of  the  propagandist  idea  in  the  debates 
and  correspondence  of  the  Jacobin  Club  traced 
down  to  March,  1793,  with  illustrative  quotations. 

Examination  of  the  so-called  "Club  of  the  Propa- 
ganda," and  the  "Club  of  1789,"  with  the  conclu- 
sion that  these  societies  were  not  engaged  in  prop- 
aganda. 

3.  The  National  Assembly. 

Expression  of  the  propagandist  idea  traced  through 
the  debates  and  proceedings  of  the  Constituent 
and  Legislative  Assemblies  and  the  Convention  to 
April,  1793.  Here  the  development  of  the  Giron- 
dist war  policy  is  carefully  followed,  and  the 
passage  of  the  declaration  of  war  of  April  20, 
1792,  is  closely  analyzed.  The  history  of  the 
propagandist  decrees  of  November  I9th  and  De- 
cember 1 5th,  1792,  receives  particular  attention. 
The  principal  topics  of  this  section,  in  order  of 
discussion,  follow: 

(1)  The  Constituent  Assembly. 
Greetings  from  foreign  societies. 
Anacharsis  Cloots  and  the  "Deputation  of  Man- 
kind." 

The  decree  renouncing  conquest. 
The  first  rumors  of  war. 

(2)  The  Legislative  Assembly. 
Debate  on  the  emigres. 

Veto  of  the  decree  of  Nov.  9,  1791. 


Isnard's  speech,  and  the  Address  to  the  King. 
The  Girondist  war  agitation. 
Negotiations  with  Vienna. 
The  Declaration  of  War,  April  20,  1792. 
The  purpose  of  the  war. 
Temporary  decline  of  propagandism. 
Effects  of  Valmy. 
(3)  The  Convention. 
The    invasion    of    Nice,    Savoy,    the    Rhenish 

States  and  Belgium. 
High  tide  of  propagandist  sentiment. 
The  decree  of  November  I9th,  1792. 
Propagandism  or  Conquest? 
Annexation  of  Savoy. 
The  decree  of  December  I5th. 
England  wants  an  explanation. 
Annexation  of  Nice. 
"Natural  Limits." 
More  annexations. 
Preparations  to  invade  Holland. 
Defeat  at  Neerwinden  and  effect. 
The  decree  of  April  13,  1793. 
Propagandism  abandoned. 

CHAPTER  II. — ACTIVE  PROPAGANDISM. 

1.  Writings. 

Review  of  notices  respecting  the  circulation  of  revo- 
lutionary journals,  pamphlets,  and  books  in  neigh- 
boring states,  and  the  efforts  of  the  governments 
at  suppression. 

2.  Emissaries. 

Discussion  of  the  different  classes  of  agents  active 
in  disseminating  revolutionary  doctrines  outside  of 
France,  viz.;  emissaries  of  clubs,  ambassadors 
of  the  Republic,  refugees,  travellers,  actors. 

3.  Patriotic  Societies. 

Inquiry  into  the  relations  between  the  Jacobins  and 
foreign  societies. 


4.  Armed  Propaganda. 

A  study  of  the  campaigns  of  the  French  armies  in 
Savoy,  Nice,  the  Rhenish  States,  and  Belgium 
between  September,  1792,  and  March,  1793,  with 
a  detailed  examination  of  the  propagandist  activi- 
ties of  each.  The  methods  were  everywhere  the 
same.  First,  the  incendiary  proclamation  of  the 
commanding  general;  then  the  levy  of  contribu- 
tions on  privileged  and  official  classes,  together 
with  studied  kindness  to  the  common  people;  the 
formation  of  clubs  and  opening  of  correspondence 
with  French  Societies;  the  influx  of  a  horde  of 
French  proselyters,  deputies  on  mission,  agents  of 
the  executive  council,  emissaries  of  clubs  and 
others,  to  "fraternize"  with  the  "liberated"  people 
and  to  teach  them  liberty  and  equality;  the  intro- 
duction of  the  tricolor,  the  liberty  tree,  the  liberty 
cap,  the  songs,  dances,  fetes  and  ceremonies  of 
the  Revolution. 


SUMMARY  OF  CHAPTER  I. 

The  development  of  the  propagandist  idea  has  been 
followed  from  its  first  appearance  to  its  decline  in  1793. 
In  recapitulating,  the  story  might  be  told  in  six  decrees 
which  mark  the  successive  stages  of  development. 

1.  The  decree  renouncing  conquests.    This  act  is  rep- 
resentative of  the  early  period  of  the  Revolution  when 
the  propagandist  sentiment  was  quiescent.    This  was  the 
period  when  France  was  basking  in  the  bright  sunlight 
of  freshly  achieved  Liberty,  and  the  spirit  of  peace  on 
earth,    good-will   toward    men    prevailed.      The   utmost 
desire,  outside  of  securing  her  own  freedom,  was  that 
other  nations  might  benefit  by  the  example,  and  also  find 
the  light. 

2.  The  address  of  the  Legislative  Assembly  to  the 
King  on  November  29,  1791,  urging  him  to  warn  the 
German  princes  to  desist  from  their  machinations  against 
the  Revolution  or  France  will  carry  Liberty  into  their 
states.    Here  the  propagandist  spirit  becomes  aggressive. 
It  is  now  used  as  a  threat  to  the  hostile  powers,  telling 
them  to  stand  off  if  they  wish  to  avoid  infection.    During 
this  period  the  Girondist  orators  fan  the  enthusiasm  in 
urging  the  nation  to  undertake  an  offensive  war. 

3.  The  declaration  of  war  of  April  20,  1792.   Armed 
propagandism  now  becomes  the  accepted  policy.     The 
war  is  waged,  not  upon   states   or  nations,  but   upon 
"tyrants/'    Their  oppressed  subjects  are  to  be  liberated. 
The  successful  period  of  the  war  following  the  retreat  of 
Brunswick  sees  the  climax  of  propagandist  enthusiasm, 
which  is  expressed  in — 

4.  The  Decree  of  November  19,  1792,  offering  assist- 
ance to  any  peoples  who  desire  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of 
despotism.    Almost  at  the  same  time  appear  the  signs  of 
the  coming  change.    Savoy  and  Nice  are  annexed.    Bel- 
gium is  overrun,  but  refuses  to  change  her  social  order 
for  the  French  system  of  equality.    The  Republic  needs 
money.     It  is  decided  to  enforce  the  French  system  on 


Belgium  in  spite  of  her  protests,  and  then  to  invade  Hol- 
land for  more  treasure  and  territory. 

5.  The  Decree  of  December  I5th,  with  later  amend- 
ments, turns  the  war  into  conquest.    Belgium  is  annexed 
against  the  will  of  a  majority  of  her  people.    Soon  after- 
ward the  doctrine  of  natural  boundaries  is  openly  advo- 
cated.    War  is  declared  on  England  and  Holland  and 
later  on  Spain.     Then  the  period  of  disaster  comes  in 
March,  1793,  and  the  war  becomes  defensive.    The  Con- 
vention realizes  its  position,  sees  that  the  Decree  of  No- 
vember 1 9th  was  a  political  mistake,  that  armed  propa- 
gandism  is  impracticable,  and  retracts  by  passing 

6.  The  Decree  of  April  13,  1793.    Here  the  policy  of 
non-intervention  with  the  internal  affairs  of  other  states 
is  adopted.     Revolutionary  propagandism  had  already 
turned  into  conquest  and  territorial  expansion.    It  is  now 
abandoned  in  theory  as  well  as  in  fact. 

SUMMARY  OF  CHAPTER  II. 

1.  There  was  no  very  considerable  dissemination  of 
French  pamphlets   and  newspapers  abroad,   since  they 
were  strictly  prohibited  in  most  European  countries  and, 
moreover,  would  have  been  unintelligible  to  the  masses 
of  the  people,  of  whom  no  great  proportion,  save,  per- 
haps, in  the  principalities  close  to  the  border,  understood 
the  French  language.     Knowledge  of  the  doctrines  and 
events  of  the  Revolution  was  conveyed  to  these  peoples 
by  newspapers  and  writers  of  their  own  nationality — not 
by  Frenchmen. 

2.  It  was  the  policy  of  the  Jacobin  Society  to  propa- 
gate the  doctrines  of  the  Revolution  solely  by  discussion. 
It  sent  no  emissaries  to  incite  rebellion  in  foreign  states. 
Individual  members  may  have  undertaken  self-appointed 
missions  of  that  character,  but  probably  in  very  few  cases 
with  the  formal  sanction  of  the  society. 

3.  While  the  Jacobin  Club  held  friendly  correspond- 
ence with   foreign  patriotic  societies,  notably  those  of 
England,  there  was  no  regular  affiliation  between  it  and 


any  foreign  society,  except  in  conquered  territories. 

4.  Wherever  the  armies  of  France  penetrated  in  the 
campaigns  of  1792-3  they  sought  to  revolutionize  the 
conquered  peoples,  using  toward  that  end  every  possible 
means. 


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Sorel,  Albert;  L'Europe  et  la  Revolution  Franchise.  8 
vols.  Paris,  1887-1905. 

Stanhope,  Philip  Henry,  5th  Earl ;  Life  of  William  Pitt. 
4  vols.  London,  1861-2. 

Sybel,  H.  von;  History  of  the  French  Revolution 
(trans,  by  W.  C.  Perry).  4  vols.  London,  1867-9. 


Terneux,  Maurice ;  Bibliographic  de  Thistoire  de  Paris 
pendant  la  Revolution  Frangaise.  3  vols.  Paris,  1890 
1900. 

Tuetey,  Alexandre;  Repertoire  General  des  sources 
Mannscrites  de  Thistoire  de  Paris  pendant  la  Revolution 
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Venedey,  Jakob ;  Die  deutschen  Republikaner  unter  der 
franzosischen  Republik.  Leipzig,  1870. 

Wohlwill,  Adolf;  Weltburgerthum  und  Vaterlands- 
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